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A native of Somalia who operates restaurants in Minnesota inspired by African flavors won a small business award.
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June 1, 2023
A native of Somalia who operates restaurants in Minnesota inspired by African flavors won a small business award.
May 31, 2023
PEPFAR’s strengthening of health care systems to combat HIV/AIDS has brought a host of other benefits for public health. Find out how.
May 30, 2023
A nonprofit agency is working in Morocco to increase employment of women and youth in high-demand job sectors.
May 26, 2023
Multilateralism and the WHO are essential for stronger global health capacity and security. Learn why the U.S. champions this approach.
May 25, 2023
The U.S. works with other nations to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Learn how the Proliferation Security Initiative helps.
May 24, 2023
Learn what the U.S. and the international community are doing to investigate alleged crimes against humanity in Ukraine.
May 23, 2023
America honors fallen U.S. soldiers on Memorial Day. Learn more about Arlington National Cemetery, where thousands of them were laid to rest.
May 23, 2023
Many Tongan American athletes are making a name for themselves in pro sports and shining a light on the their culture.
May 22, 2023
Learn how conservation diplomacy will keep the Galápagos Islands, and the thousands of species inhabiting them, beautiful.
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Today, I am announcing the designation of Laurent Salvador Lamothe, former Haitian Prime Minister and Minister of Planning and External Cooperation, for his involvement in significant corruption. This action renders Lamothe generally ineligible for entry into the United States. Specifically, Lamothe misappropriated at least $60 million from the Haitian government’s PetroCaribe infrastructure investment and social welfare fund for private gain. Through this corrupt act and his direct involvement in the management of the fund, he exploited his role as a public official and contributed to the current instability in Haiti. We continue to support the citizens, organizations, and public servants of Haiti who are committed to generating hope and opportunity for a better future in their nation. The United States will continue to promote accountability for those who abuse public power for personal gain. Today’s designation is part of a series of actions that promote accountability for those who foment violence, block life-saving humanitarian support, and enrich themselves at the expense of the Haitian people. ### This public designation is made under Section 7031(c) of the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2023 (Div. K, P.L. 117-328) (“Section 7031(c)”). Section 7031(c) requires the Secretary of State to publicly or privately designate foreign officials and their immediate family members about whom the Secretary has credible information of involvement in significant corruption or a gross violation of human rights.
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Today, the United States is announcing additional sanctions in our effort to support the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the Iranian people, including the freedom of expression both online and offline including the freedom to access information via the Internet. We are designating the Iran-based technology company known as “Arvan Cloud” for its role in the Iranian regime’s censorship of the Internet in Iran. Arvan Cloud maintains a close, collaborative relationship with Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security. We are also designating the co-founders of Arvan Cloud, CEO Pouya Pirhosseinloo and technology lead Farhad Fatemi, as well as its affiliate, the Dubai-based Arvancloud Global Technologies L.L.C. Today’s action is just one component in our multi-pronged strategy to support and preserve the free flow of information to the Iranian people in the face of the Iranian regime’s unprecedented campaign of Internet disruptions and censorship, part of a broader crackdown on dissent. The United States will continue to support the development and operation of anti-censorship tools that millions of people around the world, including in Iran, use to stay connected online despite authoritarian efforts to disrupt their access to the global internet. And we will continue to use all tools at our disposal to promote accountability for violations and abuses of human rights and actions that enable the mass suppression and censorship of the Iranian people. Today’s action is being taken pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13846, which authorizes sanctions on persons who engage in censorship or other activities with respect to Iran. This action does not affect the U.S. government’s continued support for the Iranian people’s ability to freely access information both offline and online such as through the provision of Internet communication tools to the people of Iran, including under Iran General License D-2. Please also see FAQ 1087 and FAQ 1088 for any questions on the provision of cloud services for the Iranian people.
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Helsinki, Finland Helsinki City Hall MAYOR VARTIAINEN: Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, it is my great pleasure to warmly welcome you all to the beautiful capital of Finland, Helsinki, and the Helsinki City Hall. Helsinki has a great honor to host this special event today. We are humbled and in great appreciation to have the U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken here in Helsinki. Helsinki is a city where the harmonious blend of history, innovation, freedom, and diplomacy converges. Our capital is and has been an arena for numerous high-level meetings and political events, and we are proud to provide the platform for this historical moment, now for the first time as the proud capital of a new NATO Ally. Now it is my great pleasure to introduce you the co-organizer of the event, Dr. Mika Aaltola, the director of the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Thank you. (Applause.) MR AALTOLA: Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, this is a truly historical day. It is the first time that a United States secretary of state stands on the solid granite ground of NATO Finland. Secretary Blinken’s visit represents a new era in the Finnish-U.S. relations that have long historical ties. Never before have the relations between our two countries been this close. In addition to now being NATO Allies, Finland and the United States are working together to enhance our bilateral defense cooperation. Also, economic cooperation has increased significantly as the U.S. became Finland’s number one trade partner last year. While physically separated by an ocean, our countries are bound by ties that surpass distance. We face common security challenges, but even more importantly, we share a belief in democracy, in our common values and shared interests. These values are being challenged by Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. With the level of economic and military support it has offered to Ukraine, the United States remains the indispensable force in Europe. The U.S. was already awake when most of Europe was still sleeping, relatively undisturbed by Russia’s power political gaming. U.S. leadership is as needed as ever. This leadership helps to keep doors open and enemies at bay, but there would be no leadership without a partnership. This partnership is something that Finland has offered to the United States. Finland is an able ally and a security provider. We carry our responsibilities in our region and beyond, and we are committed to support Ukraine and to defend ourselves and the values we stand for. This commitment is shared by the Finnish leadership but, even more importantly, by the Finnish people. Finland has ranked as the least corrupt, most egalitarian, one of the most educated, and most democratic countries in the world. It also is the most stable country in the world. In these volatile times, this stability has a value of its own. Surprisingly for many Finns, Finland is also the happiest country in the world. We question this result every year, but it is pointed to us that it is the case. It is a fact, so how miserable others must be if we are the happiest. (Laughter.) But now I’m truly happy to be able to welcome on the stage with United States Secretary of State Mr. Antony Blinken. (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Thank you very much. And yes, I feel a greater sense of happiness today than I’ve felt in a long time. (Laughter.) Mayor Vartiainen, thank you for hosting us here in Helsinki, and in this absolutely magnificent city hall. And Mika, my thanks to you, and also to your entire team – all of the researchers at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, for deepening the scholarship about diplomacy, and also enriching the public debate. I’m also gratified that my friend and my partner, Pekka Haavisto, is here with us today. We have worked so closely together over this past truly historic year, and I’m grateful for your presence. To all of the distinguished guests, two months ago, I stood with our Allies in Brussels as Finland’s flag was raised over NATO headquarters for the first time. President Niinistö declared, and I quote, “The era of military nonalignment in Finland has come to an end. A new era begins.” It was a sea change that would have been unthinkable a little more than a year earlier. Before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, one in four Finns supported the country joining NATO. After the full-scale invasion, three in four Finns supported joining. It wasn’t hard for Finns to imagine themselves in the Ukrainians’ shoes. They’d walked in them in November 1939, when the Soviet Union invaded Finland. Like President Putin’s so-called “special operation” against Ukraine, the USSR’s so-called “liberation operation” falsely accused Finland of provoking the invasion. Like the Russians with Kyiv, the Soviets were confident that they’d sack Helsinki in weeks – so confident that they had Dmitri Shostakovich compose music for the victory parade, before the Winter War even started. Like Putin in Ukraine, when Stalin failed to overcome the Finns’ fierce and determined resistance, he shifted to a strategy of terror, incinerating entire villages and bombing so many hospitals from the air that Finns started covering up the Red Cross insignia on the rooftops. Like the millions of Ukrainian refugees today, hundreds of thousands of Finns were driven from their homes by the Soviet invasion. They included two children, Pirkko and Henri, whose families evacuated their homes in Karelia – the mother and father of our host, the mayor of the city. To many Finns, the parallels between 1939 and 2022 were striking. They were visceral. And they were not wrong. Finns understood that if Russia violated the core principles of the UN Charter – sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence – if they did that in Ukraine, it will imperil their own peace and security as well. We understood that, too. That’s why, over the course of 2021, as Russia ratcheted up its threats against Kyiv and amassed more and more troops, tanks, and planes on Ukraine’s borders, we made every effort to get Moscow to de-escalate its manufactured crisis and resolve its issues through diplomacy. President Biden told President Putin that we were prepared to discuss our mutual security concerns – a message that I reaffirmed repeatedly – including in person, with Foreign Minister Lavrov. We offered written proposals to reduce tensions. Together with our allies and partners, we used every forum to try to prevent war, from the NATO-Russia Council to the OSCE, from the UN to our direct channels. Across these engagements, we set out two possible paths for Moscow: a path of diplomacy, which could lead to greater security for Ukraine, for Russia, for all of Europe; or a path of aggression, which would result in severe consequences for the Russian Government. President Biden made clear that regardless of which path President Putin chose, we would be ready. And if Russia chose war, we would do three things: support Ukraine, impose severe costs on Russia, and strengthen NATO while rallying our allies and partners around these goals. As the storm clouds gathered, we surged military, economic, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. First in August 2021, and again in December, we sent military equipment to bolster Ukraine’s defenses, including Javelins and Stingers. And we deployed a team from the U.S. Cyber Command to help Ukraine shore up its power grid and other critical infrastructure against cyber attacks. We prepared an unprecedented set of sanctions, export controls, other economic costs to impose severe and immediate consequences on Russia in the event of a full-scale invasion. We took steps to leave no doubt that we, and our Allies, would uphold our commitment to defend every inch of NATO territory. And we worked relentlessly to rally allies and partners around helping Ukraine defend itself and denying Putin his strategic aims. Since day one of his administration, President Biden has focused on rebuilding and revitalizing America’s alliances and partnerships, knowing that we’re stronger when we work alongside those who share our interests and our values. In the run-up to Russia’s invasion, we demonstrated the power of those partnerships – coordinating our planning and strategy for a potential invasion with NATO, with the EU, with the G7, and other allies and partners from around the world. Over those fateful weeks in January and February of 2022, it became clear that no amount of diplomatic effort was going to change President Putin’s mind. He would choose war. And so, on February 17, 2022, I went before the United Nations Security Council to warn the world that Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was imminent. I set out the steps that Russia would take: first manufacturing a pretext, and then using missiles, tanks, troops, cyber attacks to strike pre-identified targets, including Kyiv, with the aim of toppling Ukraine’s democratically elected government and erasing Ukraine from the map as an independent country. We hoped – we hoped – to be proven wrong. Unfortunately, we were right. A week after my warning to the Security Council, President Putin invaded. Ukrainians of all walks of life – soldiers and citizens, men and women, young and old – bravely defended their nation. And the United States moved swiftly, decisively, and in unison with allies and partners to do exactly what we said we’d do: support Ukraine, impose costs on Russia, strengthen NATO – all of this with our allies and partners. And with our collective support, Ukraine did what it said it would do: defended its territory, its independence, its democracy. Today, what I want to do is set out this and the many other ways Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a strategic failure, greatly diminishing Russia’s power, its interests, and its influence for years to come. And I’ll also share our vision of the path to a just and lasting peace. When you look at President Putin’s long-term strategic aims and objectives, there is no question: Russia is significantly worse off today than it was before its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – militarily, economically, geopolitically. Where Putin aimed to project strength, he’s revealed weakness. Where he sought to divide, he’s united. What he tried to prevent, he’s precipitated. That outcome is no accident. It’s the direct result of the courage and solidarity of the Ukrainian people and the deliberate, decisive, swift action that we and our partners have taken to support Ukraine. First, for years, President Putin sought to weaken and divide NATO, under the false claim that it posed a threat to Russia. In fact, before Russia invaded Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014, NATO’s posture reflected a shared conviction that conflict in Europe was unlikely. The United States had significantly reduced its forces in Europe since the end of the Cold War, from 315,000 in 1989 to 61,000 at the end of 2013. Many European countries’ spending on defense had been declining for years. NATO’s strategic doctrine at the time labeled Russia a partner. Following Russia’s invasion of Crimea and the Donbas in 2014, that tide began to turn. Allies committed to spend two percent of GDP on defense and deployed new forces to NATO’s eastern flank in response to Russia’s aggression. The Alliance has accelerated its transformation since Russia’s full-scale invasion – not to pose a threat or because NATO seeks conflict. NATO always has been – and always will be – a defensive alliance. But Russia’s aggression, threats, nuclear saber-rattling compelled us to reinforce our deterrence and defense. Hours after the full-scale invasion, we activated NATO’s defensive Response Force. In the weeks that followed, several Allies – including the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Spain, France – swiftly sent troops, aircraft, and ships to reinforce NATO’s eastern flank. We doubled the number of ships patrolling the North and Baltic seas, and doubled the number of battle groups in the region. The United States established its first permanent military presence in Poland. And, of course, NATO added Finland as its 31st Ally, and we will soon add Sweden as the 32nd. As we head into the NATO Summit in Vilnius, our shared message will be clear: NATO Allies are committed to enhanced deterrence and defense, to greater and smarter defense spending, to deeper ties with Indo-Pacific partners. NATO’s door remains open to new members, and it will stay open. Russia’s invasion has also led the European Union to do more – and more together with the United States and with NATO – than ever before. The EU and its member-states have provided over $75 billion in military, economic, humanitarian support to Ukraine. That includes $18 billion in security assistance, from air defense systems to Leopard tanks to ammunition. Coordinating closely with the U.S., the U.K., and other partners, the EU has launched its most ambitious sanctions ever, immobilizing over half of Russia’s sovereign assets. And European nations have taken in more than 8 million Ukrainian refugees, most of whom have not only been granted access to public services, but also the right to work, to study. Second, for decades, Moscow worked to deepen Europe’s dependence on Russian oil and gas. Since President Putin’s full-scale invasion, Europe has made a swift and decisive turn away from Russian energy. Berlin immediately canceled Nord Stream 2, which would have doubled the flow of Russian gas to Germany. Before Putin’s invasion, European countries imported 37 percent of their natural gas from Russia. Europe cut that by more than half in less than a year. In 2022, EU countries generated a record one-fifth of their electricity through wind and solar – more electricity than the EU generated through coal, gas, or any other power source. The United States for its part more than doubled our supply of gas to Europe, and our Asian allies – Japan, the Republic of Korea – also stepped up to boost Europe’s supply. Meanwhile, the oil price cap that we and our G7 partners put in place has kept Russia’s energy in the global market, while dramatically cutting Russian revenues. A year into its invasion, Russia’s oil revenues had fallen by 43 percent. The Russian Government’s tax revenues from oil and gas have fallen by nearly two-thirds. And Moscow will not get back the markets that it has lost in Europe. Third, President Putin spent two decades trying to build Russia’s military into a modern force, with cutting-edge weaponry, streamlined command, and well-trained, well-equipped soldiers. The Kremlin often claimed it had the second-strongest military in the world, and many believed it. Today, many see Russia’s military as the second-strongest in Ukraine. Its equipment, technology, leadership, troops, strategy, tactics, and morale, a case study in failure – even as Moscow inflicts devastating, indiscriminate, and gratuitous damage on Ukraine and Ukrainians. Russia is estimated to have suffered more than 100,000 casualties in the last six months alone, as Putin sends wave after wave of Russians into a meat grinder of his own making. Meanwhile, sanctions and export controls imposed by the United States, the European Union, and other partners around the world have severely degraded Russia’s war machine and defense exports, setting them back for years to come. Russia’s global defense partners and customers can no longer count on promised orders, let alone spare parts. And as they witness Russia’s poor performance on the battlefield, they are increasingly taking their business elsewhere. Fourth, President Putin wanted to build Russia up as a global, economic power. His invasion cemented his long-running failure to diversify Russia’s economy, to strengthen its human capital, to fully integrate the country into the global economy. Today, Russia’s economy is a shadow of what it was, and a fraction of what it could have become had Putin invested in technology and innovation rather than weapons and war. Russia’s foreign reserves are down by more than half, as are profits from its state-owned enterprises. More than 1,700 foreign companies have reduced, suspended, or ended operations in Russia since the onset of the invasion. That’s tens of thousands of jobs gone, a massive flight of foreign expertise, and billions of dollars in lost revenue for the Kremlin. A million people have fled Russia, including many of the country’s top IT specialists, entrepreneurs, engineers, doctors, professors, journalists, scientists. Countless artists, writers, filmmakers, musicians have also left, seeing no future for themselves in a country where they can’t express themselves freely. Fifth, President Putin invested considerable effort to show that Russia could be a valued partner to China. On the eve of the invasion, Beijing and Moscow declared a “no limits” partnership. Eighteen months into the invasion, that two-way partnership looks more and more one-sided. Putin’s aggression and weaponization of strategic dependencies on Russia has served as a wake-up call to governments around the world to make efforts at de-risking. And together, the United States and our partners are taking steps to reduce those vulnerabilities, from building more resilient critical supply chains to strengthening our shared tools to counter economic coercion. So, Russia’s aggression hasn’t distracted us from meeting the challenges in the Indo-Pacific. It’s actually sharpened our focus on them. And our support for Ukraine hasn’t weakened our capabilities to meet potential threats from China or anywhere else – it’s strengthened them. And we believe that Beijing is taking notice that, far from being intimidated by a forceful violation of the UN Charter, the world has rallied to defend it. Sixth, prior to the war, President Putin regularly used Russia’s influence in international organizations to try to weaken the United Nations Charter. Today, Russia is more isolated on the world stage than ever. At least 140 nations – two-thirds of UN member-states – have repeatedly voted in the UN General Assembly to affirm Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, to reject Putin’s attempts to illegally annex Ukrainian territory, to condemn Russia’s aggression and atrocities, and to call for a peace consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Governments from the West and East, North and South have voted to suspend Russia from numerous institutions, from the UN Human Rights Council to the International Civil Aviation Organization. Russian candidates have lost one election after another for key seats in international institutions, from the governing board of UNICEF to leadership of the UN agency responsible for information and communication technologies, the ITU. Each rebuke and loss for Moscow is not only a vote against Russia’s aggression, it’s a vote for the core principles of the United Nations Charter. And countries from every part of the world are supporting efforts to hold Russia accountable for its war crimes and crimes against humanity, from creating a special UN commission to document the crimes and human rights violations committed in Russia’s war to assisting investigations by prosecutors in Ukraine and at the International Criminal Court. Seventh, President Putin, for years, sought to divide the West from the rest, claiming that Russia was advancing the best interests of the developing world. Today, thanks to openly declaring his imperial ambitions and weaponizing food and fuel, President Putin has diminished Russian influence on every continent. Putin’s efforts to reconstitute a centuries-old empire reminded every nation that had endured colonial rule and repression of their own pain. Then, he exacerbated the economic hardship many nations were already experiencing due to COVID and climate change by cutting off Ukraine’s grain from the world markets, driving up the cost of food and fuel everywhere. By contrast, on one global challenge after another, the United States and our partners have proven that our focus on Ukraine will not distract us from working to improve the lives of people around the world and address the cascading costs of Russia’s aggression. Our unprecedented emergency food aid has prevented millions of people from starving to death. Just last year alone, the United States provided $13.5 billion in food assistance. And the United States is currently funding over half of the UN World Food Programme’s budget. Russia funds less than one percent. We supported a deal negotiated by UN Secretary-General Guterres and Türkiye to break Russia’s stranglehold on Ukrainian grain, allowing 29 million tons of food and counting to get out of Ukraine and to people around the world. That includes 8 million tons of wheat, which is the equivalent of roughly 16 billion loaves of bread. Together with allies and partners, we’re mobilizing hundreds of billions of dollars in financing for high-quality infrastructure in the countries where it’s needed most and building it in a way that’s transparent, good for the environment; empowers local workers and communities. We’re strengthening global health security, from training half a million health professionals in our own hemisphere, in the Americas, to helping the pharmaceutical company Moderna finalize plans with Kenya to build its first mRNA vaccine manufacturing facility in Africa. Time and again, we are demonstrating who fuels global problems and who solves them. Finally, President Putin’s core aim – indeed, his obsession – has been to erase the very idea of Ukraine – its identity, its people, its culture, its agency, its territory. But here, too, Putin’s actions have precipitated the opposite effect. No one has done more to strengthen Ukraine’s national identity than the man who sought to wipe it out. No one has done more to deepen Ukrainians’ unity and solidarity. No one has done more to intensify Ukrainians’ determination to write their own future on their own terms. Ukraine will never be Russia. Ukraine stands sovereign, independent, firmly in control of its own destiny. In this – Putin’s primary goal – he has failed most spectacularly. President Putin constantly claims that the United States, Europe, and countries that support Ukraine are bent on defeating or destroying Russia, on toppling its government, on holding back its people. That is false. We do not seek the overthrow of the Russian Government and we never have. Russia’s future is for Russians to decide. We have no quarrel with the Russian people, who had no say in starting this tragic war. We lament that Putin is sending tens of thousands of Russians to their deaths in a war he could end now, if he chose – and inflicting ruinous impact on Russia’s economy and its prospects. Indeed, it must be asked: How has Putin’s war improved the lives, the livelihoods, or the prospects of ordinary Russian citizens? Everything that we and our allies and partners do in response to Putin’s invasion has the same purpose: to help Ukraine defend its sovereignty, its territorial integrity and independence, and to stand up for the international rules and principles that are threatened by Putin’s ongoing war. Let me say this directly to the Russian people: The United States is not your enemy. At the peaceful end of the Cold War, we shared the hope that Russia would emerge to a brighter future, free and open, fully integrated with the world. For more than 30 years, we worked to pursue stable and cooperative relations with Moscow, because we believed that a peaceful, secure, and prosperous Russia is in America’s interests – indeed, in the interests of the world. We still believe that today. We cannot choose your future for you, and we won’t try to do so. But we also will not let President Putin impose his will on other nations. Moscow must treat the independence, the sovereignty, the territorial integrity of its neighbors with the same respect that it demands for Russia. Now, as I’ve made clear, by virtually every measure, President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has been a strategic failure. Yet while Putin has failed to achieve his aims, he hasn’t given up on them. He’s convinced that he can simply outlast Ukraine and its supporters, sending more and more Russians to their deaths, inflicting more and more suffering on Ukraine’s civilians. He thinks that even if he loses the short game, he can still win the long game. Putin is wrong about this, too. The United States – together with our allies and partners – is firmly committed to supporting Ukraine’s defense today, tomorrow, for as long as it takes. And in America, this support is bipartisan. And precisely because we have no illusions about Putin’s aspirations, we believe the prerequisite for meaningful diplomacy and real peace is a stronger Ukraine, capable of deterring and defending against any future aggression. We’ve rallied a formidable team around this effort. With Secretary of Defense Austin’s leadership, more than 50 countries are cooperating through the Ukraine Defense Contact Group. And we’re leading by the power of our example, providing tens of billions of dollars in security assistance to Ukraine with robust and unwavering support from both sides of the aisle in our Congress. Today, America and our allies and partners are helping meet Ukraine’s needs on the current battlefield while developing a force that can deter and defend against aggression for years to come. That means helping build a Ukrainian military of the future, with long-term funding, a strong air force centered on modern combat aircraft, an integrated air and missile defense network, advanced tanks and armored vehicles, national capacity to produce ammunition, and the training and support to keep forces and equipment combat-ready. That also means Ukraine’s membership in NATO will be a matter for Allies and Ukraine – not Russia – to decide. The path to peace will be forged not only through Ukraine’s long-term military strength, but also the strength of its economy and its democracy. This is at the heart of our vision for the way forward: Ukraine must not only survive, it must thrive. To be strong enough to deter and defend against aggressors beyond its borders, Ukraine needs a vibrant, prosperous democracy within its borders. That’s the path the Ukrainian people voted for when they won their independence in 1991. It’s the choice they defended in the Maidan in 2004, and again in 2013: a free and open society, with respect for human rights and the rule of law, fully integrated with Europe, where all Ukrainians have dignity and the opportunity to realize their full potential – and where the government responds to the needs of its people, not those of vested interests and elites. We are committed to working with allies and partners to help Ukrainians make their vision a reality. We’ll not only help Ukraine rebuild its economy, but reimagine it, with new industries, trade routes, supply chains connected with Europe and with markets around the world. We’ll continue to bolster Ukraine’s independent anti-corruption bodies, a free and vibrant press, civil society organizations. We’ll help Ukraine overhaul its energy grid – more than half of which has been destroyed by Russia – and do it in a way that’s cleaner, more resilient, and more integrated with its neighbors, so that Ukraine can one day become an energy exporter. Ukraine’s greater integration with Europe is vital to all of these efforts. Kyiv took a giant step in that direction last June, when the union formally granted Ukraine EU candidate status. And Kyiv is working to make progress toward the EU’s benchmarks even as it fights for its survival. Investing in Ukraine’s strength is not at the expense of diplomacy. It paves the way for diplomacy. President Zelenskyy has said repeatedly that diplomacy is the only way to end this war, and we agree. In December, he put forward a vision for a just and lasting peace. Instead of engaging on that proposal or even offering one of his own, President Putin has said there is nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts, and I quote, “new territorial realities” – in other words, accept Russia’s seizure of 20 percent of Ukraine’s territory. Putin spent the winter trying to freeze Ukrainian civilians to death, and then the spring trying to bomb them to death. Day after day, Russia rains down missiles and drones on Ukrainian apartment buildings, schools, hospitals. Now, from a distance, it’s easy to become numb to these and other Russian atrocities, like the drone strike last week on a medical clinic in Dnipro, which killed four people, including doctors; or the 17 strikes on Kyiv in the month of May alone, many using hypersonic missiles; or the missile attack in April on the city of Uman – hundreds of miles from the front lines – in which 23 civilians were killed. The rocket strike hit multiple apartment buildings in Uman before dawn. In one of those buildings, a father, Dmytro, raced to the room where his children were sleeping – Kyrylo, age 17; Sophia, age 11. But when he opened the door to their bedroom, there was no room, just fire and smoke. His children were gone. Two more innocent lives extinguished. Two of the six children Russia killed in a single strike. Two of the thousands of Ukrainian children killed by Russia’s war of aggression. Thousands more have been wounded, and thousands beyond that have been abducted from their families by Russia and given to Russian families. Millions have been displaced. All are part of a generation of Ukrainian children terrorized, traumatized, scarred by Putin’s war of aggression, all of whom remind us why Ukrainians are so fiercely committed to defending their nation and why they deserve – deserve – a just and lasting peace. Now, some have argued that if the United States truly wanted peace, we’d stop supporting Ukraine, and then if Ukraine truly wanted to end the war, it would just cut its losses and give up the fifth of its territory that Russia illegally occupies. Let’s play this out for a minute. What neighbors of Russia would feel confident in their own sovereignty and territorial integrity if Putin’s aggression were to be rewarded with a fifth of Ukraine’s territory? And for that matter, how would any country that lives near a bully, with a history of threats and aggression, feel secure within its own borders? What lesson will other would-be aggressors around the world learn if Putin is allowed to violate a core tenet of the UN Charter with impunity? And how often in history have aggressors who seize all or part of a neighboring country been satisfied and stopped there? When has that ever satisfied Vladimir Putin? The United States has been working with Ukraine – and allies and partners around the world – to build consensus around the core elements of a just and lasting peace. To be clear, the United States welcomes any initiative that helps bring President Putin to the table to engage in meaningful diplomacy. We’ll support efforts – whether by Brazil, by China, or any other nation – if they help find a way to a just and lasting peace, consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Here’s what that means. A just and lasting peace must uphold the UN Charter and affirm the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. A just and lasting peace requires Ukraine’s full participation and assent – nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. A just and lasting peace must support Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery, with Russia paying its share. A just and lasting peace must address both accountability and reconciliation. A just and lasting peace can open a pathway to sanctions relief connected to concrete actions, especially military withdrawal. A just and lasting peace must end Russia’s war of aggression. Now, over the coming weeks and months, some countries will call for a ceasefire. And on the surface, that sounds sensible – attractive, even. After all, who doesn’t want warring parties to lay down their arms? Who doesn’t want the killing to stop? But a ceasefire that simply freezes current lines in place and enables Putin to consolidate control over the territory he’s seized, and then rest, re-arm, and re-attack – that is not a just and lasting peace. It’s a Potemkin peace. It would legitimize Russia’s land grab. It would reward the aggressor and punish the victim. If and when Russia is ready to work for true peace, the United States will respond in concert with Ukraine and other allies and partners around the world. And along with Ukraine and allies and partners, we would be prepared to have a broader discussion on European security that promotes stability and transparency and reduces the likelihood of future conflict. In the weeks and months ahead, the United States will continue to work with Ukraine, with our allies and partners – and any and all parties dedicated to supporting a just and lasting peace based on these principles. On April 4, 1949, 74 years to the day before Finland joined NATO, the original members of the Alliance gathered in Washington to sign its founding treaty. President Truman warned the group, and I quote, “We cannot succeed if our people are haunted by the constant fear of aggression and burdened by the cost of preparing their nations individually against attack. e hope to create a shield against aggression and the fear of aggression – a bulwark which will permit us to get on with the real business of . . . achieving a fuller and happier life for all our citizens.” The same is true today. No nation – not Ukraine, not the United States, not Finland, Sweden, any other country can deliver for its people if it lives in constant fear of aggression. That’s why we’ve all got a stake in ensuring that President Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine continues to be a strategic failure. In his New Year’s address to the Finnish people, President Niinistö identified one of the fundamental flaws of President Putin’s plan to swiftly conquer Ukraine – a flaw that also doomed Stalin’s plan to swiftly conquer Finland. As President Niinistö said, and I quote, “As leaders of a country under authoritarian rule, Stalin and Putin failed to recognize . . . that people living in a free country have their own will and convictions. And that a nation that works together constitutes an immense force.” Finns have a word for that fierce combination of will and determination: sisu. And they recognize sisu in the struggle of Ukrainians today. And when a free people like the Ukrainians have at their backs the support of free nations around the world – nations who recognize their fates and freedom – their rights and security are inextricably bound together, the force they possess is not merely immense. It is unstoppable. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Helsinki, Finland Ministry of Foreign Affairs MODERATOR: Good morning, everyone. Today, Minister for Foreign Affairs Pekka Haavisto and Secretary of State Antony Blinken will sign the joint statement of Finland and the United States on cooperation in advanced wireless communications. (The statement was signed.) And now Foreign Minister Haavisto and Secretary of State Blinken will give short remarks. Minister Haavisto. FOREIGN MINISTER HAAVISTO: Thank you and good morning, and Secretary Blinken, dear Tony, it’s really my privilege to host you here in Finland. We have met so often in the corridors, in the meetings, but now you saw – you have the opportunity to see Helsinki as well. You are really wholeheartedly welcome with your delegation here. And I want to thank the Secretary for fruitful discussions focusing on Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, our long-term support to Ukraine, and European Security. Our bilateral relations are stronger than ever. We are deepening our ties in many crucial sectors, such as security, defense, and new technologies. Finland’s NATO membership offers new avenues for our cooperation. I want to stress our joint determination to have also Sweden as our NATO Ally before the Vilnius summit. Russia’s illegal war of aggression in Ukraine has continued for over a year now and shaken the very foundations of the European and global security order. However, our determination to defend the rules-based order and sovereignty of all countries remains as strong as ever. Finland will continue together with partners to support Ukraine as long as necessary. During times like these, we are very fortunate to have trusted allies and friends across the Atlantic and are keen to strengthen ties in many ways. Technology cooperation is one important pillar in our bilateral relations. Today, we are taking another step together to build more resilient, secure, and prosperous societies for future generations. With the signed statement, we aim to strengthen cooperation in 6G with the United States and to foster exchange of people and ideas in this critical sector. Finland and the United States are frontrunners in developing new technologies. Finland is a 6G pioneer, the first country to launch a broad 6G research program already in 2018. Finland is proud of its business community and academia that have had a clear vision not only about the possibilities of 6G but also the responsibilities. Respecting human rights; emphasizing economic, social, and environmental aspects of sustainability; as well as promoting transparency and inclusivity are key in 6G development. We see great value in fostering also the transatlantic partnership in 6G. A prime example of this is the valuable work being done in the EU-U.S. Trade and Technology Council. We look forward to building a close 6G partnership not only at the political, policy level, but also between our academic, research, development, and business communities. And now, once more, Tony, thank for a good cooperation, and floor is yours. (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good morning, and thank you, my friend. It’s wonderful to be here. It’s wonderful to be with you. And I just have to say on a personal note how much I’ve valued our partnership and our friendship over this extraordinary year, year-plus – truly historic in what’s happened and what it’s produced. And I think it’s fair to say that your leadership and your partnership has helped achieve historic results for Finland, for Europe, for the relationship between us, and in many ways for the world, so I couldn’t be more grateful. We are living through a time when technology is transforming quite literally every aspect of our lives, from artificial intelligence reshaping the production of knowledge to the devices in our pocket that are redefining how we relate to one another every single day. The United States is committed to working with our partners to shape this transformation in a way that benefits our citizens and that advances our democratic values – in particular, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. To maximize technology as a force for good and to minimize its misuse, it is vital that countries that support these freedoms maintain leadership in cutting-edge technologies and play a leading role in shaping the norms by which these technologies are used. And that’s what this moment is all about: making sure that we lead in the development of the sixth generation of our communications technology, 6G, ensuring that it’s open, that it’s accessible, that it’s interoperable, that it’s secure. Our vision is of a communications infrastructure where ideas can travel freely across borders, where our businesses are empowered to innovate, where intellectual property rights are respected and protected, where our critical infrastructure like our electricity grids, our hospitals are secure and resilient, and ultimately where people across the world have an opportunity to use this technology to reach their full potential. The joint statement that we just signed I think advances that vision in three ways. First, it enables our governments to share best practices on developing approaches to advanced communications, including open radio access networks. Second, it creates opportunities for public-private partnerships to continue building a diverse workforce skilled in these cutting-edge technologies. And third, it allows our private sectors to work more closely together, including by sharing technical expertise, synchronizing regulatory requirements, starting new research initiatives. Finland is home to one of the world’s leading 5G companies as well as countless startups that are leading the way on advanced wireless technologies. And when you put that strength together with the ingenuity of our own private sector, I think there is little that we cannot do together. Throughout our history, Finland and the United States have forged a partnership that’s evolved to meet the changing needs of our people. Today marks another evolution and another important example of how our alliance continues to deliver results not just for our people but ultimately for people around the world. We couldn’t be more pleased by this partnership. We couldn’t be more pleased by this friendship. We couldn’t be more pleased now by this alliance. Thank you. (Applause.)
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State On behalf of the United States of America, I extend my warmest congratulations to the people of Italy on the occasion of your Republic Day, marking the historic referendum that ushered in a new era of democracy and freedom for Italy. The United States and Italy share a deep and enduring friendship rooted in our mutual goals of peace, prosperity, and respect for human rights around the world. We are grateful for Italy’s efforts in support of transatlantic and European values, including strong support for Ukraine, its people’s freedom, and its sovereignty in the face of Russia’s aggression. We also appreciate Italy’s critical role in fostering security and stability in the Mediterranean region and beyond as a NATO Ally and a partner to address global challenges. The bond between our two countries is embodied by the 18 million Americans that claim Italian heritage, enriching our culture and communities. As we celebrate this Republic Day, we honor the enduring friendship between our peoples and reaffirm our commitment to strengthening our partnership in the years ahead. Viva l’Italia!
June 2, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State On behalf of the United States of America, I extend my warmest congratulations to the people of Italy on the occasion of your Republic Day, marking the historic referendum that ushered in a new era of democracy and freedom for Italy. The United States and Italy share a deep and enduring friendship rooted in our mutual goals of peace, prosperity, and respect for human rights around the world. We are grateful for Italy’s efforts in support of transatlantic and European values, including strong support for Ukraine, its people’s freedom, and its sovereignty in the face of Russia’s aggression. We also appreciate Italy’s critical role in fostering security and stability in the Mediterranean region and beyond as a NATO Ally and a partner to address global challenges. The bond between our two countries is embodied by the 18 million Americans that claim Italian heritage, enriching our culture and communities. As we celebrate this Republic Day, we honor the enduring friendship between our peoples and reaffirm our commitment to strengthening our partnership in the years ahead. Viva l’Italia!
June 1, 2023
Office of the Spokesperson The United States is committed to full and mutual implementation of the New START Treaty. Consistent with that commitment, the United States has adopted lawful countermeasures in response to the Russian Federation’s ongoing violations of the New START Treaty. The Russian Federation’s purported suspension of the New START Treaty is legally invalid. As a result, Russia remains bound by its New START Treaty obligations, and is violating the Treaty by failing to fulfill many of those obligations. U.S. countermeasures are fully consistent with international law. They are proportionate, reversible, and meet all other legal requirements. International law permits such measures in order to induce a state to return to compliance with its international obligations. The United States notified Russia of the countermeasures in advance, and conveyed the United States’ desire and readiness to reverse the countermeasures and fully implement the treaty if Russia returns to compliance. The United States remains ready to work constructively with Russia on resuming implementation of the New START Treaty. Additional information on these countermeasures is available in our fact sheet: U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty – United States Department of State. Additional details on Russia’s invalid suspension of and noncompliance with the New START Treaty are available in our fact sheet: Russian Noncompliance with and Invalid Suspension of the New START Treaty – United States Department of State.
June 1, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Oslo, Norway City Hall FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Dear Tony, Secretary Blinken, welcome to Oslo. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: And also we’ve just paid so much attention to the visit of the air carrier, Gerald Ford. And now this air carrier has been followed from minute to minute. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Is that right? Really? FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Sailing through the Norwegian coast. And we also have enjoyed hosting 2,500 sailors in Oslo. So thank you so much. SECRETARY BLINKEN: And I know they’re on their best behavior. PARTICIPANT: They were. That surprised us. (Laughter.) FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Yes. It really demonstrates the strong solidarity within the Alliance, so I would just thank you for that. Your message here during these few days in Oslo, and also the fact that we are extending our cooperation. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: You will now re-establish an office in Tromsø. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Because this is a Arctic capital. We have more and more projects that we want to move forward so we can strengthen our bilateral relationship, so thank you for excellent cooperation, Tony. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Anniken, thank you so much, both for today and bringing all of the foreign ministers together in advance of the NATO Summit in Vilnius that will bring our leaders together. I think the conversation today, the exchange today could not have been better, could not have been more valuable, as we prepare for Vilnius. But to your point as well, just my thanks to you, to the entire government, for the extraordinary partnership that we have, not just as NATO Allies but quite literally around the world. Besides the security relationship, the work that we’re doing together in the Arctic – and now with Norway’s leadership of the Arctic Council – could not be more important, and we both are deeply committed to maintaining the region as a place for peaceful cooperation. I think our diplomatic presence post only reaffirms our commitment to the Arctic. And of course, we’re doing so much work around the world together on food security, on climate, on health. We couldn’t be more grateful for the partnership, and the last 24 hours were just a strong reaffirmation of that. So my thanks to you.
June 1, 2023
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Oslo, Norway City Hall FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Dear Tony, Secretary Blinken, welcome to Oslo. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: And also we’ve just paid so much attention to the visit of the air carrier, Gerald Ford. And now this air carrier has been followed from minute to minute. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Is that right? Really? FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Sailing through the Norwegian coast. And we also have enjoyed hosting 2,500 sailors in Oslo. So thank you so much. SECRETARY BLINKEN: And I know they’re on their best behavior. PARTICIPANT: They were. That surprised us. (Laughter.) FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Yes. It really demonstrates the strong solidarity within the Alliance, so I would just thank you for that. Your message here during these few days in Oslo, and also the fact that we are extending our cooperation. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: You will now re-establish an office in Tromsø. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes. FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Because this is a Arctic capital. We have more and more projects that we want to move forward so we can strengthen our bilateral relationship, so thank you for excellent cooperation, Tony. SECRETARY BLINKEN: Anniken, thank you so much, both for today and bringing all of the foreign ministers together in advance of the NATO Summit in Vilnius that will bring our leaders together. I think the conversation today, the exchange today could not have been better, could not have been more valuable, as we prepare for Vilnius. But to your point as well, just my thanks to you, to the entire government, for the extraordinary partnership that we have, not just as NATO Allies but quite literally around the world. Besides the security relationship, the work that we’re doing together in the Arctic – and now with Norway’s leadership of the Arctic Council – could not be more important, and we both are deeply committed to maintaining the region as a place for peaceful cooperation. I think our diplomatic presence post only reaffirms our commitment to the Arctic. And of course, we’re doing so much work around the world together on food security, on climate, on health. We couldn’t be more grateful for the partnership, and the last 24 hours were just a strong reaffirmation of that. So my thanks to you.
May 31, 2023
Secretary Raimondo Announces Presidential Proclamation Extending Temporary Suspension of 232 Tariffs on Ukraine Steel KCPullen@doc.gov Wed, 05/31/2023 – 18:04 Trade enforcement FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Wednesday, May 31, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Today, Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo announced the United States will extend by one year the temporary suspension of tariffs on Ukrainian steel under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, as amended. “Over the last year, the United States has provided a much-needed market for the steel that Ukraine is able to export. In doing so, Americans are directly supporting the people of Ukraine, many of whom rely on Ukraine’s steel industry for their economic well-being,” said Secretary Raimondo. “Thanks to President Biden’s leadership in signing this Presidential Proclamation, today’s announcement is a signal to the Ukrainian people that our commitment to them remains unwavering in the face of Russia’s aggression.” On May 27, 2022, President Biden signed a Presidential Proclamation that suspended for one year the Section 232 steel duties for Ukraine. This action created vital export opportunities for one of Ukraine’s most important industrial sectors and enabled Ukrainian steel mills to continue employing their workers. By extending this action for an additional year through the Presidential Proclamation announced today, the United States demonstrates its steadfast commitment to the Ukrainian people at a time of unjustified war. Bureaus and Offices Bureau of Industry and Security
May 31, 2023
U.S.-EU Joint Statement of the Trade and Technology Council KCPullen@doc.gov Wed, 05/31/2023 – 16:50 Export and investment promotion ICT Supply Chain Trade enforcement FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Wednesday, May 31, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov I. Introduction The fourth Ministerial meeting of the Trade and Technology Council (“TTC”) took place in Luleå, Sweden, on 31 May 2023. It was co-chaired by European Commission Executive Vice President Margrethe Vestager, European Commission Executive Vice President Valdis Dombrovskis, United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken, United States Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, and United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai, joined by European Commissioner Thierry Breton, and hosted by the Swedish Presidency of the Council of the European Union. On this occasion, the United States and the European Union reiterated the central role of the TTC in the broader transatlantic partnership, the strategic nature of which was reconfirmed in the context of Russia’s illegal and unjustifiable war of aggression against Ukraine. We reaffirm our unwavering commitment to support Ukraine for as long as it takes. The TTC continues to contribute to a coordinated and effective response to Russia’s war in Ukraine by the United States and the European Union, including in areas such as sanction-related export restrictions and combatting foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) and disinformation campaigns which undermine human rights and threaten the functioning of democracies and the well-being of societies, including in third countries. We recognize that the changing international environment requires enhanced cooperation and information exchange to identify and respond to challenges affecting our economic security. We further reaffirm that the basis of our cooperation to strengthen our economic security is rooted in the international rules-based system. We continue to strengthen our bilateral coordination in these areas as well as working with other partners, including the G7, to diversify our supply chains, to address non-market policies and practices designed to reinforce dependencies and to increase our mutual collective preparedness, resilience, and deterrence to economic coercion. The United States and the European Union are committed to joint leadership in promoting and upholding an international rules-based order grounded in shared values. We continue to cooperate in multilateral discussions related to trade and technology in fora such as the G20 and G7, continue our efforts to modernize global trade rules by seeking solutions to reform the World Trade Organization (WTO) and make substantive progress as we prepare for the 13th WTO Ministerial Conference. Given the rapid pace of technological developments, the United States and the European Union are committed to deepening our cooperation on technology issues, including on artificial intelligence (AI), 6G, online platforms and quantum. We are committed to make the most of the potential of emerging technologies, while at the same time limiting the challenges they pose to universal human rights and shared democratic values. In this context, we seek to continue advancing the principles presented in the Declaration for the Future of the Internet (DFI), together with like-minded partners. The United States and the European Union share a commitment to develop our workforces with the skills to spur the next wave of economic growth. As the pressing need to tackle the challenges posed by climate change has become a priority on both sides of the Atlantic, the United States and the European Union are placing decarbonization efforts at the heart of trade policy to accelerate the transition towards a net zero economy. Via the Transatlantic Initiative for Sustainable Trade, the United States and the European Union are strengthening engagement towards a transatlantic green marketplace. The ongoing work on a Global Sustainable Arrangement for Steel and Aluminum shows our resolve to rise to this challenge with a view to achieve an ambitious outcome by October 2023. During the visit of President von der Leyen to the White House in March, the United States and the European Union announced the beginning of negotiations of a critical minerals agreement for the purpose of enabling relevant critical minerals extracted or processed in the European Union to count toward requirements for clean vehicles in the Section 30D clean vehicle tax credit of the Inflation Reduction Act as well as part of a broader process by the United States and the European Union to collaborate on securing supplies of critical minerals. In addition, the United States and the European Union launched the Clean Energy Incentives Dialogue to share information about clean energy incentive programs on both sides of the Atlantic. It will also allow the United States and the European Union to discuss systemic issues related to the design and effects of incentive programs and also develop a common understanding of market dynamics. We plan to also undertake joint analyses of non-market policies and practices of third parties to better understand their impact on US and EU companies. II. Key Outcomes of the Fourth TTC Ministerial meeting A. Robust Transatlantic Cooperation on Emerging Technologies for Joint U.S.-EU Leadership Artificial Intelligence AI is a transformative technology with great promise for our people, offering opportunities to increase prosperity and equity. But in order to seize the opportunities it presents, we must mitigate its risks. The United States and the European Union reaffirm their commitment to a risk-based approach to AI to advance trustworthy and responsible AI technologies. Cooperating on our approaches is key to promoting responsible AI innovation that respects rights and safety and ensures that AI provides benefits in line with our shared democratic values. Recent developments in generative AI highlight the scale of the opportunities and the need to address the associated risks. These developments further highlight the urgency and importance of successful cooperation on AI already taking place under the TTC through the implementation of the Joint Roadmap on Evaluation and Measurement Tools for Trustworthy AI and Risk Management, as further outlined below. The United States and the European Union decided to add special emphasis on generative AI, including its opportunities and risks, to the work on the Roadmap. This work will complement the G7 Hiroshima AI process. In addition, the United States and the European Union have advanced the implementation of the Joint Roadmap on Evaluation and Measurement Tools for Trustworthy AI and Risk Management through the launch of three dedicated expert groups which focus on: AI terminology and taxonomy, Cooperation on AI standards and tools for trustworthy AI and risk management, and Monitoring and measuring existing and emerging AI risks. The groups have (i) issued a list of 65 key AI terms essential to understanding risk-based approaches to AI, along with their U.S. and EU interpretations and shared U.S.-EU definitions and (ii) mapped the respective involvement of the United States and the European Union in standardisation activities with the goal of identifying relevant AI-related standards of mutual interest. Going forward, we will continue to consult and be informed by industry, civil society, and academia. We intend to expand shared AI terms, continue our progress towards advancing AI standards and tools for AI risk management, and develop a catalogue of existing and emergent risks, including an understanding of the challenges posed by generative AI. We will continue to cooperate in multilateral discussions such as the G7 or in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). We remain, as founding members, actively involved in the Global Partnership for Artificial Intelligence.AI Cooperation to Address Global Challenges On 27 January 2023, the European Commission and the United States enhanced our ability to cooperate through the signing of an administrative arrangement expressing our intent to support collaboration on advanced AI research focused on five areas which represent shared significance and benefit: extreme weather and climate forecasting, emergency response management, health and medicine improvements, energy grid optimization, and agriculture optimization. We reaffirm our intent to share findings and resources in collaboration with other international partners, including low- and middle-income countries, to foster broad societal benefits in the selected focus areas. We intend to start implementation of this cooperation by establishing an internal catalogue between the European Commission and the U.S. government’s scientific agencies, as appropriate, of relevant research results and resources in the five focus areas. For example, for the topic of extreme weather and climate forecasting, we intend to exchange information on challenges in using AI for Earth Science Digital Twins, and to identify areas of collaboration.Standardization work on critical and emerging technologies The United States and the European Union are advancing concrete work and outcomes on joint technical specifications for key critical and emerging technologies. In collaboration with the respective U.S. and EU standardization organizations, we encourage increased development of international standards for additive manufacturing (3D printing) that bear three logos (ISO, CEN, ASTM), for example on health and safety. This would strengthen transatlantic developments and growth in the area of additive manufacturing where digital design guides the fabrication of complex, three-dimensional products built up additively layer-by-layer. This area has the potential for significant growth in the coming years enabling innovative new designs and material compositions for manufactured parts. The United States and the European Union are advancing collaboration in the promising area of digital identity and have held a series of U.S.-EU technical exchanges and an event to engage subject matter experts from government, industry, civil society, and academia. By the next U.S.-EU TTC Ministerial, and in close consultation with these expert communities, we intend to develop a transatlantic mapping of digital identity resources, initiatives, and use cases with the aim of advancing transatlantic pre-standardization research efforts, facilitating interoperability, and streamlining implementation guidance while respecting human rights. This work will be without prejudice to EU and U.S. legislative work and in full compliance with applicable law in this area. The United States and the European Union have cooperated to develop a shared vision on a standard for charging electric heavy-duty vehicles. This achievement is also accompanied by recommendations resulting from the long history of scientific collaboration between the EU’s Joint Research Centre and the U.S. Department of Energy’s Argonne National Laboratory. We recognize the Megawatt Charging System (MCS) adoption by IEC, SAE and ISO for the charging of electric heavy-duty vehicles, where the alignment of our approaches to standardisation will be critical for the roll-out of dedicated recharging infrastructure. Both sides applaud efforts towards compatibility of physical connectors (plugs) and a common vehicle-to-grid communication interface for all power levels, recognizing that additional solutions may be possible among private sector operators. We will continue to work together to develop a transatlantic test procedure for high power-charging, up to MCS levels, assuring interoperability and system charge performance. These efforts will ensure that stakeholders will benefit from fully compatible technical specifications, reducing manufacturing and deployment costs and thus facilitating transatlantic cooperation for electromobility to become mainstream. During our meeting in Luleå, we displayed the MCS physical connector as well as a truck and recharging station – a visible proof of this success. This cooperation also paves the way for possible MCS applications in inland shipping, marine, mining, and aviation sectors among others. By the end of 2023, we expect to have developed joint U.S.-EU policy recommendations on accelerating access to and the uptake of digital tools bysmall- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). They will also address the role, access to and participation of SMEs in international standardisation activities thanks to feedback collected from SMEs through dedicated consultations. The United States and the European Union also plan to explore and exchange best practices on how to educate and train technical experts in standards development, especially with a view to the new skillsets required for critical and emerging technologies.E-Mobility standards and interoperability with smart grids We also welcome the publication of U.S.-EU joint technical recommendations for government-funded implementation of e-vehicle charging infrastructure which were developed in consultation with governments, industry, and grid-service stakeholders. Transatlantic collaboration on EV infrastructure technical requirements can more efficiently roll out publicly funded charging infrastructure, enhance our power grids, and enable our industries to be more competitive across global markets. The recommendations propose 1) the development of a joint standards support strategy; 2) support for the development and implementation of cost-effective smart charging infrastructure that avoids stranded assets; and 3) identification of the pre-normative research, development and demonstration required to tackle remaining challenges and to support consumers, industry, and the grid. Semiconductors As a critical technology and essential linkage in an ever-growing range of industries, the United States and the European Union face a shared imperative to build resilient semiconductor supply chains. The United States and the European Union have completed a joint early warning mechanism for semiconductor supply chain disruptions and a transparency mechanism for reciprocal sharing of information about public support provided to the semiconductor sector. With regard to the early warning mechanism, the United States and the European Union have outlined the operational steps to be taken in the event of a future disruption and have shared their assessments of the current situation of the semiconductor value chain. The United States and the European Union have also started formal exchanges of information on public support granted to the semiconductor sector in their respective jurisdictions. The United States and the European Union are committed to avoiding a race to the bottom in semiconductor public support. Therefore, a reciprocal mechanism has been put in place for consultation at the principals’ level to facilitate communication to head off and prevent subsidy races. The United States and the European Union also believe that semiconductor investments in both jurisdictions are mutually beneficial. Increased investment in semiconductors in Europe supports resilience in U.S. supply chains, and increased investment in the semiconductors in the United States similarly supports resilience in EU supply chains. Consequently, the United States applauds the political agreement on the EU CHIPS Act. The European Union welcomes progress in the implementation of the U.S. CHIPS Act. The cooperation between the United States and the European Union is reinforcing the success of our respective efforts to promote semiconductor supply chains. Exchanges on best practices facilitated by the TTC has informed our respective approaches and will remain a useful tool for their implementation of efforts related to public support frameworks, workforce development, and demand forecasts. In particular, the United States and the European Union have discussed common elements of our respective public support frameworks, such as the possible use of upside sharing/claw-back of excessive profits and requirements for information from companies, with an aim to improve effectiveness and share lessons learned. We share the commitment to good stewardship of public funds, and through our cooperation aim to make each of our respective public support programs more efficient and more effective. Going forward, we are exploring additional ways to collaborate, including how to cooperate on incentives for research on alternatives to the use of per- and polyfluorinated substances (PFAS) in semiconductor manufacturing. We will also explore building a robust semiconductor supply chain ecosystem from material inputs to packaging, including through sharing views and exchanging information on targeted supply chain supports. Quantum technologies The United States and the European Union have established a joint Task Force to address open questions on science and technology cooperation in quantum technologies. The Task Force is expected to elaborate on reciprocity for participating in the respective public R&D programs, the applicable intellectual property rights framework, the identification of critical components, standardisation, defining benchmarking of quantum computers, and export control related issues as appropriate. The Task Force is also discussing activities in Post-Quantum Cryptography (PQC) standardization and discussed potential avenues for future cooperation, feeding into the U.S.-EU Cyber Dialogue. B. Promoting sustainability and new opportunities for trade and investment Transatlantic Initiative on Sustainable Trade The United States and the European Union, recognizing the important role of trade policy in driving the transition towards a net-zero economy and building on the cooperation already ongoing under the TTC, are working together to amplify the potential of the transatlantic marketplace as a catalyst for decarbonization and a green transition. The Transatlantic Initiative on Sustainable Trade launched at the third U.S.-EU TTC Ministerial meeting in December 2022 offers a pathway for dialogue that aims to: boost transatlantic trade and investment to further the deployment of goods and services essential to the transition to more circular and net-zero economies ; strengthen the resilience and sustainability of key supply chains; ensure that the green transition is fair and inclusive; and promote efforts to advance the transition to a low-emission and green future at a global level. To guide these endeavors the United States and the European Union are endorsing a work program.U.S.-EU Clean Energy Incentives Dialogue In light of the need for increased investments on both sides of the Atlantic to build clean energy economies and industrial bases, the European Union and United States on 10 March 2023 launched a Clean Energy Incentives Dialogue as part of the TTC to ensure our respective incentive programs are mutually reinforcing. We are taking steps to avoid any disruptions in transatlantic trade and investment flows that could arise from our respective incentives. We stress that, in driving clean energy economy of the future, we will cooperate openly and transparently in a coordinated manner reflecting our joint commitment not to act at each other’s expense. We are working against zero-sum competition to ensure that our incentives maximize clean energy deployment and jobs. The dialogue should also address systemic issues on design and effects of incentive programs going forward. The Clean Energy Incentives Dialogue will also facilitate information-sharing on non-market policies and practices of third parties to serve as the basis for joint or parallel action and coordinated advocacy on these issues in multilateral or other fora. Critical Minerals To achieve a successful green transition, and to ensure our economic security, the United States and the European Union recognize the need to work together on our shared concerns around supply chains for critical minerals, metals, and material inputs. For many critical minerals, we note that the United States and the European Union are both reliant on imports, often from limited sources, and that this reliance leaves us vulnerable to disruptions such as geopolitical shocks and natural disasters. Successfully addressing our shared concerns will require close coordination.Increasing the Use of Digital Tools to Enhance Trade In consultation with stakeholders, the United States and the European Union will continue exploring ways to increase the use of digital tools in transatlantic trade-related transactions, as well as ways in which the United States and the European Union may enhance cooperation on trade facilitation to simplify and modernize export and import processes.Mutual Recognition Agreements and Conformity Assessment-Related Initiatives The United States and the European Union have extended the scope of the U.S.-EU Mutual Recognition Agreement annex for Pharmaceutical Good Manufacturing Practices to include veterinary medicines. Moreover, the United States and the European Union updated the existing U.S.-EU Marine Equipment Mutual Recognition Agreement to keep it aligned with the latest developments at the international level. With the goal of promoting more frictionless trade between our markets, the United States and the European Union are working to facilitate conformity assessment across a range of sectors, such as machinery, and to continue exploring cooperation on horizontal approaches to conformity assessment. For this purpose, we intend to conduct stakeholder outreach and to facilitate regular expert meetings, including the relevant European Commission services and U.S. agencies, as appropriate.Trade and Labor and Sustainable Supply Chains The United States and the European Union continue to promote sustainable and responsible supply chains with strong protection for labor rights. For this purpose, they had in-depth exchanges on relevant existing and upcoming regulations and rules, and on their implementation, as well as on approaches to support the successful development of sustainable and responsible supply chains and support stakeholders in their efforts. On 3 March 2023 they jointly convened a roundtable with multiple stakeholders to discuss practical approaches to effective due diligence implementation, including for the eradication of forced labor from supply chains. Today, the United States and the European Union also held their second principal-level session of the Trade and Labor Dialogue (TALD) that brought together senior representatives from labor, business, and government from both sides of the Atlantic. The meeting offered an opportunity to deepen discussions on the eradication of forced labor from global trade and from global supply chains and to examine the impact of the green transition on workers. The United States and the European Union welcomed a new set of joint recommendations on combatting forced labor in global supply chains that were developed by a group of representatives of U.S. and EU labor unions and companies. We welcome the spirit of collaboration that made these joint recommendations possible. The United States and the European Union will discuss how these recommendations can be taken into account and will continue working with our labor and business stakeholders to ensure that the TALD informs our collaboration on trade and labor issues. Promoting Global Digital Trade Principles The United States and the European Union reaffirm their shared interest in a global digital trade environment that reflects our values. To that end – and building upon work on digital trade principals such as the G7 – we intend to identify additional commonalities in current U.S. and EU digital trade policies. We will then work jointly to promote those principles with other trading partners with the goal of ensuring that global trade in digital services and technology support our shared democratic values. Within the Global Trade Challenges Working Group, the United States and the European Union intend to exchange information on non-market policies and practices affecting digital trade, as well as on our respective policies linked to risks stemming from digital firms from non-market economies. C. Trade, Security and Economic Prosperity In a changing geopolitical environment, the United States and the European Union reiterate their commitment under the TTC to continue cooperation in the field of export controls and cooperation on investment screening and to address the challenges posed by, among other issues, non-market policies and practices and economic coercion. We also remain committed to enhance cooperation on these matters in any relevant fora, including the G7 and the WTO.Cooperation on Export Controls and Sanction-Related Export Restrictions The TTC continues to support the unprecedented cooperation by the U.S., EU, and other international partners on the economic measures against Russia and Belarus for the war in Ukraine. The TTC supports implementation of these measures through the consistent exchange of information on the application of controls as well as working to address enforcement and circumvention risks. This work has delivered important results, including identifying key categories of goods critical to Russia’s efforts on the battlefield that the European Union, the United States, and their partners used to interrupt diversion efforts to Russia and further tighten enforcement through counter-evasion actions. This cooperation also enabled the United States and the European Union to design dedicated restrictions to prevent exports of technology found in Iran-manufactured drones and to allow information sharing on our trade restrictions. The United States and the European Union are coordinating engagements with third countries to counter evasion of export restrictions on sensitive items and are conducting coordinated capacity building actions to enable third countries’ authorities to tackle export control evasion and circumvention more effectively. The TTC has also supported technical consultation on regulatory development between the United States and the European Union, including on coordinated timing for publishing the new controls on biotechnologies decided in the Australia Group in 2022. The TTC is also working towards the clarification and simplification of re-export procedures for the benefit of exporters and to develop a common understanding of how U.S. and EU rules are applied on both sides of the Atlantic. The United States and the European Union will further consult each other in advance of the introduction of export controls on sensitive items. The United States and the European Union will continue discussions where appropriate, on risk assessments underlying controls on emerging technologies with a view to enable transatlantic cooperation for the development of such technologies and address the associated risks for international security and human rights. Finally, as recently underscored by the G7 Non-proliferation Directors Group, the United States and the European Union recall that export controls remain a key non-proliferation instrument in maintaining international security and stability and recognize the central role of multilateral non-proliferation export control regimes in that regard. Export controls are crucial for creating a favorable environment for further economic growth through more secure trade and investment, and we will continue cooperating among ourselves and work with other states in strengthening effective and responsible export controls to address the challenges posed by the misuse and illicit diversion of technologies critical for the development of weapons of mass destruction, their means of delivery, and for advanced military technology programs by state and non-state actors, while promoting an environment in which science, technology and legitimate research collaboration can flourish.Investment Screening The United States and the European Union continued exchanges on investment trends impacting national security risks related to specific sensitive technologies and critical infrastructure. We look forward to working together on deepening our understanding of the policy tools available to address national security risks in a holistic manner. The United States and the European Union reiterate the importance of establishing, maintaining, and making full use of comprehensive, robust national security-based and for the EU, public-order based investment screening mechanisms on both sides of the Atlantic, while remaining open for investment. The United States and the European Union welcome the recent significant progress towards the adoption and full implementation of investment screening mechanisms in a number of European Union Member States without such systems. The United States and the European Union continue to support the development and implementation of these mechanisms, including through joint outreach to interested stakeholders starting with the Western Balkans.Outbound Investment Controls The United States and the European Union recognize that appropriate measures designed to address risks from outbound investment could be important to complement existing tools of targeted controls on exports and inbound investments, which work together to protect our sensitive technologies from being used in ways that threaten international peace and security. The United States and the European Union have a common interest in preventing the narrow set of technological advances that are assessed to be core to enhancing the military and intelligence capabilities of actors who may use these capabilities to undermine international peace and security, from being fueled by our companies’ capital, expertise, and knowledge. We will uphold our efforts across the Atlantic, working in coordination with our G7 allies to continue to coordinate, share lessons, and seek to align our approaches where feasible to maximize the effectiveness of our efforts.Addressing Non-Market Policies and Practices The United States and the European Union share concerns about the threat posed by a range of non-market policies and practices of third countries. We stand ready to address these practices, both bilaterally and through multilateral approaches. We have exchanged views and information regarding these types of policies and practices in the medical devices sector in China and their adverse impact on our workers and businesses, and we are exploring possible coordinated actions. We also continue to exchange views and analysis on government-owned or government-controlled investment funds. We have begun mapping out the ecosystem supporting enterprises benefitting from these funds and are analyzing the distortions caused by these funds. The United States and the European Union also share concerns about the impact of non-market economic policies, on the global supply of semiconductors, particularly in legacy chips. To avoid negative spillover effects from excess global capacity that undermine the health of our respective semiconductor ecosystems, the United States and the European Union, in cooperation with like-minded partners, will exchange information and market intelligence related to non-market policies and practices and explore cooperative measures to address those policies and their distortionary effects.Addressing Economic Coercion The United States and the European Union remain concerned with the continued use of economic coercion, which has been deployed with increasing frequency in recent years. This includes attempts to undermine other governments’ legitimate policy decisions through the use, or threat of use, of targeting of foreign firms and individuals to prevent or interfere with the foreign government’s exercise of its legitimate sovereign right or choices, such as through opaque regulatory and cybersecurity reviews. We also share deep concern, underscored by the transatlantic business community, about actions against independent business diligence and advisory firms that are essential for investor confidence and the integrity of commercial transactions. Not only does economic coercion improperly impose costs on governments for making legitimate policy decisions, the threat of economic coercion alone chills other such decisions, including those of small- and medium-sized economies. Without unduly limiting trade and investment, we remain committed to enhance cooperation in any relevant forum including the G7 Coordination Platform on Economic Coercion, and to strengthen coordination with each other and other likeminded partners to improve our preparedness, resilience, deterrence, assessment and responses to economic coercion. For that purpose, we intend to make full use of our respective tools to counter economic coercion. We will coordinate, as appropriate, to support targeted states, economies and entities as a demonstration of solidarity and resolve to uphold the rule of law. We also note in that connection the importance of the recent progress in the European Union on the adoption of an anti-coercion instrument. D. Connectivity and digital infrastructure Beyond 5G / 6G The United States and the European Union have accelerated cooperation to develop a common vision and industry roadmap on research and development for 6G wireless communication systems. 6G is expected to start replacing 5G as the predominant commercial cellular wireless standard by 2030. We share the common aim to ensure these technologies possess the capability to enable use cases of the future and are designed based on our shared values and principles. To that end, and in consultation with stakeholders, we have developed a 6G outlook. It includes the conclusions of a transatlantic 6G workshop, guiding principles and key themes for a common vision, and next steps. Secure and trusted digital infrastructure and connectivity in third countries The United States and the European Union share the commitment to working with third countries, particularly emerging economies, on promoting digital inclusion and secure and trustworthy connectivity around the world. To that end, we will organize a ‘Digital Ministerial Roundtable on Inclusion and Connectivity’ with participation of the Digital Ministers of key emerging economies to be convened in the coming months. This roundtable will help identify common needs and challenges around digital infrastructure and explore how the United States and the European Union can best collaborate to support the digitalisation needs of emerging economies. In addition, the United States and the European Union intend to further enhance cooperation with like-minded countries, such as the G7, to support the deployment of secure and trustworthy ICT networks. In line with the principles set at the second U.S.-EU TTC Ministerial meeting, and following the commitments at the third Ministerial meeting, we are operationalising our support for inclusive ICTS projects in Jamaica and Kenya, including by mobilizing U.S. and EU financial instruments, as available and appropriate. Within the framework of a memorandum of understanding signed between European Investment Bank and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation on 13 April 2023, we plan to scale up our common efforts to accelerate the roll-out of secure and resilient connectivity projects in third countries with trusted vendors. The United States and the European Union are supporting new connectivity projects in Costa Rica and the Philippines. Cooperation on connectivity with Costa Rica – in close coordination with the government of Costa Rica, we are providing assistance to support the rollout of secure, resilient, and inclusive digital connectivity under Costa Rica’s National Telecommunications Plan 2022-2027. Support includes U.S. and EU technical assistance on telecommunications security and intention to help finance Costa Rica’s 5G roll-out. In addition, we are providing the Costa Rican government with assistance to secure its networks and critical infrastructure, including through the establishment of a sub-regional hub for cyber competences. Cooperation on connectivity with the Philippines – in close coordination with the government of the Philippines, we plan to support their efforts to bridge digital divides and provide trusted and resilient connectivity to its citizens. Support includes technical assistance grants to support the development and implementation of a 5G stand-alone network as well as cybersecurity training and other assistance to the Philippines Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT). We are also supporting the establishment of the national Copernicus data centre, which will strengthen the Philippines’ resilience to natural disasters and support climate change adaptation. In addition to these activities, the United States and the European Union intend to further intensify coordination to ensure that third countries have access to trusted networks (and the benefits associated with such networks). This will include, for instance, coordination between a broad range of financing and assistance agencies within the United States and the European Union, in close coordination with European Union Member States, to come forward with relevant and competitive financing and other assistance packages for projects with trusted suppliers in partner countries.International connectivity and subsea cable projects The European Union and United States acknowledge the strategic importance of international connectivity for security and trade. For this purpose, we aim to advance cooperation to promote the selection of trusted subsea cable providers for new cable projects – in particular for intercontinental ICT cable projects that promote trustworthy suppliers, reduce latency and enhance route diversity. We intend to continue discussions on ensuring transatlantic subsea cables’ connectivity and security, including on alternate routes that connect Europe, North America and Asia. E. Defending human rights and values in a changing geopolitical digital environment Transparent and accountable online platforms The United States and the European Union share the view that online platforms should exercise greater responsibility in ensuring that their services contribute to an online environment that protects, empowers and respects children and youth and take responsible actions to address the impact of their services on children and youths’ mental health and development. Similarly, we share the view it is crucially important for independent research teams to be able to investigate, analyze and report on how online platforms operate and how they affect individuals and society. As we enhance our bilateral work, the United States and the European Union developed a list of high-level principles on the protection and empowerment of children and youth and facilitation of data access from online platforms for independent research.Foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) in third countries The United States and the European Union are deeply concerned about foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) and disinformation, which threatens universal values, the functioning of democracies and the well-being of societies around the world. Russia’s strategic and coordinated use of such activities in the preparation and execution of its war of aggression against Ukraine, and People’s Republic of China’s amplification of Russian disinformation narratives about the war, are stark examples of the dangers of FIMI, and the effects can be seen in many countries around the world, notably in Africa and Latin-America. Strategic cooperation between the United States and the European Union has contributed to building a common situational awareness and understanding of the threats posed by FIMI and information operations. Close exchanges on developing effective, timely, and human rights-respecting responses continue. Cooperation in the TTC includes: A shared standard for structured threat information exchange on FIMI between the United States and the European Union, as well as the underlying common methodology for identifying, analysing and countering FIMI. Moving forward, the United States and the European Union plan to support the use of this standard by stakeholders across the globe. Actions to enhance the preparedness of the multi-stakeholder community to step up their actions against FIMI threats, including by exploring further support for capacity building in Africa, Latin America, and EU Neighbourhood countries. A call for action to online platforms operating in Africa, Latin-America, and EU Neighbourhood countries to ensure the integrity of their services and to effectively respond to disinformation and FIMI, building on the example of the European Union’s Code of Practice on Disinformation. The United States and the European Union have issued a joint statement which sets out more details on the ongoing cooperation to combat FIMI in third countries.Protecting Human Rights Defenders online To advance Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) protection online and offline, we have deepened cooperation between U.S. and EU-based emergency mechanisms and exchanged information on support strategies which seek to prevent, curb, mitigate and eliminate the use of arbitrary and unlawful surveillance targeting human rights defenders. HRDs play a key role in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms for all. Yet due to their work, they have increasingly become the target of attacks and rights violations and they need protection. We recall the obligations of States to respect, protect and fulfil human rights and fundamental freedoms, including those of HRDs. We recall the responsibility of the private sector, including technology companies and digital platforms, to respect human rights in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, and we call on companies to prevent the misuse of their products and platforms, and to support victims and survivors in their search for remedy and accountability for violations and abuses. In consultation with stakeholders, we plan to issue joint guidance by the next ministerial meeting on how content hosting platforms can effectively collaborate and coordinate with civil society and HRD protection providers to identify, address, mitigate, prevent, and enable access to remedy for digital attacks targeting HRDs. This joint work seeks to make a practical contribution to enhancing the universal protection of human rights, which is particularly timely in 2023 when we celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 25th anniversary of the adoption of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. F. Talent for Growth The Talent for Growth Task Force was launched on 27 April 2023 with the announcement of its EU Section Members and its U.S. Section Members. We have begun to promote the development of the talent and skills of our working-age populations that we critically need to compete in emerging and existing technologies. Our ambitions to lead in these technologies cannot be achieved without expanding opportunity for people to get the skills needed and to that end, we intend to share best practices and serve as a catalyst for innovative skills policies. At the December 2022 TTC meeting in the Washington, D.C area., the United States and the European Union decided to cooperate and create the Talent for Growth Task Force, which brings together government and private sector leaders from business, labor, and organizations that provide training. The Task Force intends to report to the TTC Co-Chairs and address its initial undertakings at the next TTC Ministerial meeting.III. Conclusion The United States and the European Union underline the importance of the advances made across all workstreams established under the TTC. We are committed to continue to make full use of this cooperation forum to deepen the transatlantic partnership to respond to the challenges before us. The co-chairs intend to meet again before the end of 2023 in the United States to review and advance our joint work. Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Leadership Gina M. Raimondo Tags Secretary Gina Raimondo
May 27, 2023
Substantial Conclusion of Negotiations on Landmark IPEF Supply Chain Agreement APerez@doc.gov Sat, 05/27/2023 – 12:44 Export and investment promotion FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Saturday, May 27, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov The proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement would make our supply chains more resilient and competitive, and would establish a framework for lasting cooperation on issues like workforce development, supply chain monitoring, investment promotion, and crisis response. Completing negotiations on the IPEF Supply Chain Agreement is a major achievement in support of the President’s Indo-Pacific Strategy and a win for consumers, workers, and businesses in the United States and throughout the region. The IPEF partners will now take steps, including further domestic consultations and a comprehensive legal review, to prepare a final text for signature. Today, the United States joined its IPEF partners – Australia, Brunei, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam – in announcing the substantial conclusion of negotiations on a landmark IPEF Supply Chain Agreement. The proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement seeks to ensure that American workers, consumers, and businesses benefit from resilient, reliable, and efficient supply chains. It would support the President’s effort to revitalize U.S. manufacturing, facilitating the steady supply of the materials, components, and inputs that U.S. companies rely on to compete effectively on the world stage. The agreement would foster coordination to identify potential supply chain challenges before they become widespread disruptions. Moreover, through the Agreement, partners would work collaboratively to increase the resilience, efficiency, productivity, sustainability, transparency, diversification, security, fairness, and inclusivity of our supply chains. The IPEF Supply Chain Agreement would create an IPEF Supply Chain Council to oversee the development of sector-specific action plans designed to build resilience and competitiveness in critical sectors, including by helping companies identify and address supply chain vulnerabilities before they become significant bottlenecks. Through the proposed agreement, the IPEF partners would also create an IPEF Supply Chain Crisis Response Network that can serve as an emergency communications channel when one or more partners faces an acute supply chain crisis, facilitating more effective responses that can benefit American workers, businesses and consumers. The proposed Agreement would also establish an innovative tripartite IPEF Labor Rights Advisory Board to help identify areas where labor rights concerns pose risks to the resilience and competitiveness of the partners’ supply chains. The proposed Agreement would also create a mechanism to cooperate with partners to address facility-specific allegations of labor rights inconsistencies. The IPEF partners will now take steps, including further domestic consultations and a comprehensive legal review to prepare a final text for signature and then ratification, acceptance, or approval. However, the United States and its Partners will begin work immediately to realize the benefits of cooperation on supply chains, including through private sector engagement and the utilization of technical assistance and capacity building activities to increase investment in critical sectors, key goods, physical and digital infrastructure, transportation, and workforce projects. “The proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement would be a win for American consumers, workers, and businesses. It shows that an innovative approach to economic policy that is focused on meeting the challenges of the 21st century in close coordination with partners can deliver meaningful results,” said Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo. “By having a network in place ahead of time, we can respond more effectively to supply chain challenges. That is what will make this agreement so unique and so important for the American people.” In support the goals of the proposed Agreement: The United States will hold a series of trainings and symposiums on issues related to supply chain monitoring and operations, inviting experts from each of the IPEF markets to improve cargo risk assessment practices, share best practices in incident response planning to help industries affected by natural disasters and cyber incidents recover faster, and enhance the ability of IPEF partners to identify import dependencies and other potential supply chain bottlenecks. The United States will launch an IPEF STEM Exchange Program to match early- and mid-career professionals from IPEF countries with professional development opportunities related to supply chain operations. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo will join the President’s Export Council on a fact-finding mission to select IPEF markets. The Department of Commerce will also lead up to ten trade missions to IPEF markets over the next five years focused on linking American exporters to opportunities in sectors that IPEF Partners are seeking increased diversification and resilience. The United States will work towards Mutual Recognition Arrangements (MRAs) with the eight IPEF Partners’ Authorized Economic Operator (AEO) Programs that currently do not have MRAs with the United States’ Customs Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (CTPAT) program. The United States will announce its support for cooperation on digital shipping including pilot projects with IPEF Partners starting with the Port of Singapore. The United States will also announce several new feasibility studies and reverse trade missions, which brings experts from IPEF markets to the United States to meet with leading U.S. exporters to support supply chain modernization in IPEF markets, while creating new business opportunities for American firms and workers. As part of the Biden-Harris Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, President Biden launched IPEF one year ago in Tokyo Japan. IPEF is a new platform for sustained economic cooperation with a group of like-minded countries that are aiming to address many of the unique challenges we have faced in recent years because of an increasingly global economy, rapidly changing technology, and an increase in competition. IPEF will help the United States and its partners shape the future of economic cooperation and trade in a region that is home to 40 percent of global gross domestic product (GDP) and a key source of inputs for American manufacturers – as well as a key export market for American-made goods. President Biden has overseen a revitalization of the American manufacturing base. The Administration has made generational investments in new manufacturing capacity with a focus on industries of the future, with $400 billion of new private sector investment in major manufacturing projects in sectors like clean energy, semiconductor fabrication, and biotechnology, since President Biden took office. This has resulted in nearly 800,000 new manufacturing jobs and the most robust manufacturing growth since the 1950s. Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
May 27, 2023
Press Statement on the Substantial Conclusion of IPEF Supply Chain Agreement Negotiations APerez@doc.gov Sat, 05/27/2023 – 12:39 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Saturday, May 27, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Today, the 14 partners of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) –Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, the United States, and Viet Nam – announced the substantial conclusion of the negotiations of a first-of-its-kind international IPEF Supply Chain Agreement at the IPEF Ministerial Meeting in Detroit, Michigan. The proposed Agreement aims to increase the resilience, efficiency, productivity, sustainability, transparency, diversification, security, fairness, and inclusivity of their supply chains through both collaborative activities and individual actions taken by each IPEF partner. Following the launch of IPEF in Tokyo, Japan on May 23, 2022, and since the release of the IPEF Ministerial Statements on September 9, 2022, the IPEF partners have worked constructively, including through four rounds of in-person negotiations, several virtual intersessional meetings, and numerous bilateral meetings. The IPEF partners will undertake the necessary steps, including further domestic consultations and a legal review, to prepare a final text of the proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement. Once finalized, the proposed Agreement will be subject to IPEF partners’ domestic processes for signature, followed by ratification, acceptance, or approval. The IPEF partners are committed to working towards early realization of the cooperation envisioned under the proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement. This includes engaging with businesses and utilizing technical assistance and capacity building to increase investment in critical sectors, key goods, physical and digital infrastructure, transportation, and workforce projects. Under the proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement, the IPEF partners seek to: provide a framework to build their collective understanding of significant supply chain risks, supported by each partner’s identification and monitoring of its own critical sectors and key goods; improve crisis coordination and response to supply chain disruptions and work together to support the timely delivery of affected goods during a crisis; ensure that workers and the businesses, especially micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprises, in the economies of IPEF partners benefit from resilient, robust, and efficient supply chains by identifying disruptions or potential disruptions and responding promptly, effectively, and, where possible, collectively; better prepare businesses in the economies of the IPEF partners to identify, manage, and resolve supply chain bottlenecks, including by strengthening supply chain logistics and infrastructure; facilitate cooperation, mobilize investments, and promote regulatory transparency in sectors and goods critical to national security, public health and safety, or the prevention of significant or widespread economic disruptions; respect, promote, and realize, in good faith, labor rights in IPEF partners’ supply chains, in recognition of the essential role of workers in achieving greater supply chain resilience; ensure the availability of a sufficient number of skilled workers in critical sectors and key goods, including by upskilling and reskilling workers, promoting inclusivity and equal access, and increasing comparability of skills credentials frameworks; identify opportunities for technical assistance and capacity building in strengthening IPEF partners’ supply chains; and respect market principles, minimize market distortions, including unnecessary restrictions and impediments to trade, and protect business confidential information. In support of these efforts, the proposed IPEF Supply Chain Agreement contemplates the establishment of three new IPEF Supply Chain bodies to facilitate cooperation among the IPEF partners on supply chain issues: The IPEF Supply Chain Council: The proposed Agreement would establish a mechanism for the IPEF partners to work collaboratively to develop sector-specific action plans for critical sectors and key goods to enhance the resilience of IPEF partner’s supply chains, including through diversification of sources, infrastructure and workforce development, enhanced logistics connectivity, business matching, joint research and development, and trade facilitation. The IPEF Supply Chain Crisis Response Network: The proposed Agreement would establish an emergency communications channel for the IPEF partners to seek support during a supply chain disruption and to facilitate information sharing and collaboration among the IPEF partners during a crisis, enabling a faster and more effective response that minimizes negative effects on their economies. The IPEF Labor Rights Advisory Board: The proposed Agreement would establish a new advisory board, consisting of government, worker, and employer representatives, as well as a subcommittee composed of government representatives, to support the IPEF partners’ promotion of labor rights in their supply chains, promotion of sustainable trade and investment, and facilitation of opportunities for investment in businesses that respect labor rights. The IPEF partners are committed to operationalizing this landmark Agreement as soon as practicable, including starting preparatory work, to bolster resilient supply chains while recognizing the different economic and geographic characteristics of the partners. Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
May 27, 2023
Press Statement for the Trade Pillar, Clean Economy Pillar, and Fair Economy Pillar APerez@doc.gov Sat, 05/27/2023 – 12:21 Saturday, May 27, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Recalling the successful launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) in May 2022, today, the IPEF partners met in Detroit, Michigan for a ministerial meeting. The IPEF partners released summaries of the ministerial meeting for Pillars I, III, and IV as provided below. Pillar I (Trade) The United States, Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Fiji, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Viet Nam discussed the status of the negotiations and next steps to continue their work to achieve strong tangible outcomes and benefits for our economies. The Trade Pillar partners affirmed their commitment to seek to craft high-standard, inclusive, free, fair, and open trade commitments that build upon the rules-based multilateral trading system. They will seek to develop new and creative approaches to trade and technology policies that advance a broad set of objectives and that fuel economic activities and generate investments; promote resilient, sustainable, and inclusive economic growth and development; and benefit workers, consumers, Indigenous Peoples, local communities, women, and companies, including micro-, small-, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs). Through the IPEF partners’ intensive negotiations over these last months, they have advanced negotiations toward high ambition commitments across the Trade Pillar. Recognizing different levels of economic development and capacity constraints, the Trade Pillar partners are committed to considering flexibilities, where appropriate, and working with partners on providing for technical assistance and capacity building. They noted that substantial progress has been made with respect to the chapter text on Technical Assistance and Economic Cooperation. The partners look forward to continuing their work to jointly creating an environment conducive to expanding access to opportunities for workers, companies, and peoples in their markets, boosting flows of trade and investment among their economies, enhancing standards, and reducing trade barriers. Pillar III (Clean Economy) The United States, Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Viet Nam discussed the status of the negotiations and welcomed the good progress made to date. Consistent with the September 2022 Ministerial Statement setting out the scope of the negotiations, the IPEF partners are exploring ways to pursue their respective climate goals. Together, they will advance cooperation on research, development, commercialization, availability, accessibility, and deployment of clean energy and climate friendly technologies, and facilitate investment towards climate-related projects in the region. The IPEF partners will achieve this through connecting markets through policies and standards, ensuring that energy is sustainable, resilient, reliable, and affordable, and promoting low-and zero-emission goods and services. Thus far, the IPEF partners have put forward a variety of innovative ideas and approaches to accelerate their transition to a clean economy. Recognizing the importance of delivering concrete economic outcomes, the IPEF partners are concurrently identifying and developing initiatives and proposals to advance cooperation in key areas that are critical to realizing their unique pathways towards net zero emission economies, whilst recognizing the unique national circumstances of each IPEF partner, including their development needs. In this spirit, interested IPEF partners are introducing a regional hydrogen initiative to encourage widespread deployment of low-carbon and renewable hydrogen and its derivatives in the region. Those IPEF partners look forward to collaboration, including through drawing upon expertise from both the public and private sectors, which expands new investment, industrialization and job opportunities, and spurs innovation and productivity, in charting their respective pathways towards net zero emissions economies. Other IPEF partners may join the initiative when ready to do so. The IPEF partners look forward to promoting just transition through the creation of decent work, quality jobs, and labor rights based on the ILO Declaration and exploring other future areas for collaboration as negotiations continue. To advance the collaboration, the IPEF partners are committed to enhancing their efforts to reaching a high-standard and mutually beneficial outcome in the upcoming negotiating rounds. Pillar IV (Fair Economy) The Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, the United States and Viet Nam discussed the status of the negotiations and welcomed the progress made to date to meet Pillar IV’s objectives of effectively implementing and accelerating progress on anti-corruption measures and tax initiatives, including through enhanced cooperation on capacity building and technical assistance. The IPEF partners have made good progress toward development of the text of an agreement that will strengthen implementation of effective anti-corruption and tax measures to boost commerce, trade, and investment among IPEF economies. The IPEF partners look forward to intensifying their efforts in the subsequent negotiating rounds in order to achieve a high-standard and mutually beneficial Fair Economy Agreement. Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
May 26, 2023
Joint Statement – Second Annual Australia-U.S. Strategic Commercial Dialogue May 26, 2023 – Detroit, Michigan JAndrejat@doc.gov Fri, 05/26/2023 – 18:55 Export and investment promotion FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Friday, May 26, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Minister for Trade and Tourism, Senator the Honourable Don Farrell and Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo met on May 26, 2023, in Detroit, Michigan, for the second annual ministerial meeting of the Australia-U.S. Strategic Commercial Dialogue (SCD). Both reinforced the value of the Dialogue as a key bilateral mechanism to advance shared geoeconomic and commercial interests across the nexus of economic, foreign, and national security policy. Australia and the United States are working together to meet the challenges of our time to build a fairer, more durable global economy; support an open, stable, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region; drive the clean energy transition; and build our shared economic security. To this end, the Minister and Secretary committed to building our strategic cooperation in the following areas: Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) Australia and the United States are committed to delivering strong outcomes on IPEF this year to support an open, connected, prosperous, resilient, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. The Minister and Secretary welcomed the upcoming May 27 IPEF Ministerial meeting as an opportunity to demonstrate IPEF’s strategic and commercial value, by delivering early practical outcomes that benefit all IPEF partners. Together with 12 other IPEF partners, Australia and the United States are committed to tackling new and emerging economic challenges, including by strengthening trade connectivity and regional supply chains, unlocking green trade and investment to support the clean energy transition, and enhancing anti-corruption efforts in the region. Clean Energy Transition The Minister and Secretary welcomed the May 20 Australia-U.S. Climate, Critical Minerals and Clean Energy Transformation Compact (the Compact) agreed to by Prime Minster Albanese and President Biden, and the elevation of climate and clean energy and a shared energy industrial base as a pillar of the Australia-U.S. Alliance. The Minister and Secretary recognised the vital investments Australia and the United States have made to support clean energy industries and exchanged views on how to continue to support each country’s respective efforts towards the clean energy transition. This includes opportunities for future collaboration in the development of industrial bases and improved supply chain integration, in recognition of Australia’s investments in new clean energy industry creation and the opportunities for private sector investment arising from implementation of the United States’ Inflation Reduction Act. Through the Compact, Australia and the United States have established a new Australia-U.S. Taskforce on Critical Minerals to deepen cooperation on critical minerals as a vital input to the clean energy transition. The Minister and Secretary agreed to convene Australian and U.S. companies from across the critical minerals supply chain, including miners, processors, manufacturers, and investors at an event later in 2023 to help accelerate industry development and clean energy transition, as well as to promote investment opportunities arising from implementation of the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act and significant Australian Government investments across the critical minerals and clean energy technology supply chains. Australia and the United States have reaffirmed their commitment to working with partners and existing regional and multilateral architecture to deliver meaningful climate action and support clean energy transition and supply chain diversification, including for battery, electrolysers, and solar photovoltaic manufacturing in the Indo-Pacific region. Economic Security The Minister and Secretary shared their assessments of the rapidly changing geoeconomic environment and exchanged views on economic security measures and building economic resilience. Both agreed to continue to engage closely on approaches to economic security through ongoing officials’ engagement to advance our mutual geoeconomic and security interests, including the establishment of a senior officials’ Strategic Trade Dialogue on dual-use export controls. The Minister and Secretary also agreed to investigate how Australia’s critical minerals supply can support the implementation of the U.S. CHIPS Act and contribute to a resilient global semiconductor supply chain. The Minister and Secretary shared concerns about the impact of coercive trade and economic measures on workers and businesses, which undermine the rules-based multilateral trading system and prosperity in Australia, the United States, and the Indo-Pacific region. Both committed to continue ongoing work bilaterally and with other partners to counter the coercive use of trade and economic measures against the private sector. Minister Farrell thanked Secretary Raimondo for hosting the 2023 Strategic Commercial Dialogue and looked forward to convening the third Strategic Commercial Dialogue in Australia in 2024. ⇒ Readout of Secretary Raimondo’s Meeting with Australian Minister for Trade and Tourism Don Farrell Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework
May 26, 2023
Readout of Secretary Raimondo’s Meeting with Australian Minister for Trade and Tourism Don Farrell JAndrejat@doc.gov Fri, 05/26/2023 – 18:52 Export and investment promotion FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Friday, May 26, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov DETROIT, MI – Today, Secretary Gina Raimondo and Australian Minister for Trade and Tourism Don Farrell held the second Ministerial meeting of the U.S.-Australia Strategic Commercial Dialogue (SCD). During their meeting, the Secretary and Minister re-affirmed the vital importance of the U.S.-Australia commercial relationship and the SCD as a forum to promote coordination and address global economic and commercial challenges and opportunities. The two also discussed U.S.-Australia collaboration on critical minerals and clean energy, including the U.S.-Australia Climate, Critical Minerals and Clean Energy Transformation Compact agreed to by Prime Minister Albanese and President Biden earlier this month. The Secretary and Minister also exchanged views on economic security and building economic resilience. The Secretary and Minister also discussed their shared priority of demonstrating meaningful progress under the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) with their counterparts at the IPEF Ministerial meeting scheduled for May 27. ⇒ Joint Statement – Second Annual Australia-U.S. Strategic Commercial Dialogue Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework Australia
May 26, 2023
Readout of Secretary Raimondo’s Meeting with Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan Nishimura Yasutoshi KCPullen@doc.gov Fri, 05/26/2023 – 13:56 ICT Supply Chain Trade enforcement FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Friday, May 26, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov Today, Secretary Gina Raimondo and Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan Nishimura Yasutoshi convened the second Ministerial meeting of the Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership (JUCIP). During the meeting, the two discussed a range of issues and activities critical to the U.S.-Japan commercial relationship, including resilient semiconductor supply chains, cooperation on export controls, and the role of emerging technologies in strengthening industrial competitiveness and economic security. They also reaffirmed the fundamental importance of deepening U.S.-Japan cooperation through JUCIP to strengthen economic prosperity and security for both countries and to strengthen the regional economic order. The Secretary and Minister also discussed their shared interest in making progress during the Ministerial meeting Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity on May 27. ⇒ Joint Statement for the Second Ministerial Meeting of the Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership Bureaus and Offices Bureau of Industry and Security International Trade Administration Tags Export Controls Secretary Gina Raimondo
May 26, 2023
Joint Statement for the Second Ministerial Meeting of the Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership (JUCIP) KCPullen@doc.gov Fri, 05/26/2023 – 13:50 Export and investment promotion Trade enforcement FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Friday, May 26, 2023 Office of Public Affairs publicaffairs@doc.gov On May 26th, 2023, Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo and Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Nishimura Yasutoshi held the second Ministerial Meeting of the Japan-U.S. Commercial and Industrial Partnership (JUCIP) in Detroit, Michigan. As both countries and the global economy face a range of economic challenges and uncertainties, the Secretary and the Minister reaffirmed that deepening Japan-U.S. cooperation under JUCIP is essential for strengthening the economic prosperity and security of both countries and for maintaining and strengthening the regional economic order. The two principals acknowledged the importance of outreach to emerging and developing countries, such as those in the Indo-Pacific, and committed to strengthening global supply chains by advancing Japan-U.S. collaboration with such countries, including through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity. The Secretary and the Minister welcomed the progress to date under each of JUCIP’s identified areas of cooperation. They expressed their intention to hold the second Japan-U.S. Economic Policy Consultative Committee (EPCC, or Economic “2+2”) Ministerial Meeting at the earliest appropriate time, and they committed to advance the following way forward. The Department of Commerce of the United States (DOC) and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan (METI) affirmed strong alignment on approaches to creating a more resilient semiconductor ecosystem. To explore the development of next generation semiconductors, they intend to encourage cooperation between the to-be-established National Semiconductor Technology Center of the United States and the Leading-Edge Semiconductor Technology Center of Japan in roadmapping for technological and human resource development under the Japan-U.S. Joint Task Force. They also will continue to share information on support measures and incentives in both countries and cooperate to identify and resolve geographic concentrations of production undermining semiconductor supply chain resilience. DOC and METI reaffirmed their commitment to cooperate on export controls, including the following activities: (1) maintaining substantial alignment of export control measures against Russia, seeking to identify and address circumvention and backfill efforts, (2) engaging in capacity building and outreach to ASEAN and other third countries, and (3) implementing actionable recommendations received from the public, as appropriate, in response to the joint publication of requests for comments published in December 2022 by DOC and METI respectively. They welcomed the agreement on the Export Controls and Human Rights Initiative Code of Conduct at the March 2023 Summit for Democracy and the progress made in the discussions on the scope of items which are relevant for the initiative. The two organizations concurred that both countries will continue to advance efforts to prevent goods and technologies from being misused for violations or abuses of human rights, including through identification of items in cooperation with relevant countries. DOC and METI welcomed progress in bilateral cooperation in promoting the deployment of Open RAN in third countries, including steps to identify priority countries for Japan-U.S. joint efforts. They reaffirmed their commitment to seek a broad range of opportunities for Open RAN-focused policy and technical engagement by our governments, and for relevant commercial activity by our respective private sectors with the aim of taking steps, including identifying a common concrete target for the global market share of Open RAN, to achieving secure and open 5G networks globally. DOC and METI welcomed the U.K.’s application in April 2023 to join the Global Cross-Border Privacy Rules (CBPR) Forum as an Associate, and they committed to continue collaboration on outreach and other efforts to expand the Global CBPR Forum and to promote Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT). DOC, METI, and the Personal Information Protection Commission of Japan also successfully held a workshop in January in Tokyo to promote the CBPR System to local industry, including small and medium enterprises (SMEs). To achieve sustainable corporate value creation and establish a common understanding of environmental, social, and governance (ESG) best practices, challenges, and opportunities in their respective jurisdictions and markets, DOC and METI shared their intention to continue discussion on ESG issues such as ESG investment and corporate ESG disclosures by engaging with stakeholders, such as investors, companies, and government agencies. DOC and METI welcomed ongoing efforts to promote private sector investment through the activities of DOC’s International Trade Administration, including SelectUSA and its annual SelectUSA Investment Summit, and the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO), including the J-Bridge program. These programs and offices are committed to encouraging further interaction between the innovation ecosystems of the two countries through engagements such as the Japan Innovation Night to be held in Boston in June 2023 in conjunction with the BIO International Convention. DOC and METI confirmed their commitment to cooperate on outreach to the private sector, including SMEs and start-ups, to support private sector efforts to contribute to the economic and social development of the Pacific Island Countries (PICs), including public procurements in key sectors critical to the competitiveness of PICs, recognizing the strategic importance of this region and its potential for new business projects. METI welcomed the planned Cybersecurity Business Development Mission to Japan in September 2023 as a good opportunity for enhancing bilateral cybersecurity cooperation, and METI and DOC shared their intention to explore ways in which they can promote cybersecurity opportunities in both countries as a means of helping private sector and government organizations secure their critical networks and data. The Secretary and the Minister emphasized the role of critical and emerging technologies in strengthening the industrial competitiveness and economic security of both countries. Focusing on biotechnology, artificial intelligence (AI), and quantum technologies, they decided to pursue the following cooperation within and outside of JUCIP, in concert with relevant ministries and agencies. DOC and METI welcomed the direction of the measures outlined in the United States’ report: “Bold Goals for U.S. Biotechnology and Biomanufacturing” and Japan’s measures in the areas of drug discovery and biomanufacturing. The two organizations shared their commitment to work with relevant ministries and agencies to identify areas for cooperation to strengthen pharmaceutical supply chains, enhance industrial competitiveness in biomanufacturing, and promote collaboration among drug discovery start-ups of both countries. DOC and METI decided to increase their cooperation to promote the industrial usage of quantum computers in both countries, with a view towards opening a dialogue on the potential role AI may play in quantum computing. Toward this shared goal, they confirmed their shared intent to work together to help promote the development of resilient supply chains of quantum technologies by engaging with respective quantum consortia to identify critical materials and components in their respective countries. The two sides also decided to work together to develop use cases through the utilization of classical and quantum computer technologies in both countries. ⇒ Readout of Secretary Raimondo’s Meeting with Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan Nishimura Yasutoshi Bureaus and Offices International Trade Administration Tags Indo-Pacific Economic Framework Export Controls SelectUSA Foreign direct investment [FDI]
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